President Trump’s golden touch remains undefeated this primary cycle, with every endorsed candidate making it to the November election. The congressmen he helped oust may soon embark on their own revenge tours.
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Last month, Kentucky Representative Thomas Massie, Louisiana Senator Bill Cassidy, and Texas Senator John Cornyn were all outflanked by more Trump-aligned challengers, losing reelection to their respective posts. The three men tangled with Trump before — Massie over the Epstein Files and One Big Beautiful Bill (OBBB), Cassidy on the president’s 2021 impeachment, and Cornyn’s doubts on Trump’s 2024 presidential bid — and they made sure to get some digs in on their way out. (RELATED: Grifters, Activism, and Thomas Massie)
In his concession speech, Cassidy asserted he wouldn’t “pout,” “whine,” or “claim the election was stolen.” Massie expressed that “there is a yearning in this country for somebody who will vote for principles over party.” Cornyn posted a pointed frog-and-scorpion fable on social media, warning against trusting destructive individuals. (RELATED: Bye, Bill)
Though Massie has filed to run for political office in 2028, immediate reelection incentives are off the table. With their limited time, Cassidy and Massie, with the potential of Cornyn, will likely double down on disruption, to the chagrin of the GOP. For them, there’s no gain in passing Trump’s agenda, so they seem keen to use their final months to defy it and define their legacies instead.
In a post-loss interview, Cassidy told viewers that he’d spend his remaining time being “the best Senator I can possibly be.” If being “the best” means “most effective,” he may supercharge Senate procedure and his committee authority to cement his break with the president.
Cassidy’s leverage and path of rebellion can force the health portion of Agenda 47 to a crawl.
The two-term senator chairs the Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions Committee, which oversees many politically sensitive health policy fights, such as drug pricing, vaccine policy, and abortion-drug regulation. For instance, he grilled the then-Health and Human Services Secretary nominee, RFK Jr., on vaccines in January 2025. He tussled with the secretary a few weeks ago on affordability, fraud, abortion medications, and vaccine-preventable disease concerns. Cassidy can also shape or block health nominations, including ones that would boost RFK Jr.’s plans. He exerted this power by stalling and tanking wellness influencer Casey Means’s chances of becoming the next U.S. Surgeon General earlier this year. (RELATED: The View’s Joy Behar Is Furious TrumpRX Is Lowering Drug Costs)
Cassidy’s leverage and path of rebellion can force the health portion of Agenda 47 to a crawl. The Magnolia State Senator has already demonstrated that he can use hearings to control the pace and scrutiny of Trump-era personnel, further frustrating Republicans dissatisfied with the nominee gridlock. A physician first, he possesses the knowledge necessary to make these fights technical rather than overtly partisan. Thus, Cassidy may convene hearings that highlight blind spots in the administration’s health and education strategies. Coupled with subpoena powers, Cassidy holds the ability to make and sustain public relations episodes for the administration. As six out of 10 Americans try to avoid news about Trump, additional unnecessary exposure is not what anyone needs.
In the other chamber, where a slim majority means every Republican vote matters, Massie can threaten the iron grip on must-pass measures, such as disaster aid, appropriations, and emergency spending. In 2020, Massie tried to force a recorded roll-call vote on a $2.2 trillion COVID relief package, delaying the bill and catching Trump’s ire. He was one of two House Republicans to vote against Trump’s prized 2025 tax and spending package, riled up by the out-of-control national deficit. His high ground is in making sure-fire legislation contestable, publicly attacking it to cast doubt on why other House Republicans support it.
Massie can also transform transparency issues into cross-party headaches for Trump’s allies.
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Massie can also transform transparency issues into cross-party headaches for Trump’s allies. With Democratic Representative Ro Khanna, he forced the release of the Department of Justice (DOJ)’s Epstein-related files. Massie also joined Democrats to reintroduce war powers resolutions to curb Trump’s military actions in Venezuela and Iran. In response, the administration went on the defensive, offering justification and explanations for these issues. The Bluegrass State Congressman is no stranger to building coalitions on sensitive, timely policy issues. With the Iran war in a ceasefire and Epstein documents still unpublished, Massie can capitalize on these trends to combine substance with public embarrassment.
Cornyn seems the most unlikely of the bunch to flip on Trump. He voted with Trump 92 percent of the time during his first term, touting this rate to be 99.2 percent on his website. Cornyn even introduced a bill last month to rename an interstate highway in honor of the president and reversed his position on the filibuster to help Trump. Cornyn is also a relationship-builder, with his time as former majority whip and chairman of the Senate Republican campaign arm making him a known quantity and dependable ally to GOP officials. President Trump acknowledged Cornyn’s ability to make inroads when congratulating Paxton: “John will remain my friend for a long time to come.” (RELATED: John Cornyn’s Original Sin)
If Cornyn decides to forfeit his good standing, his new power would come from behind the scenes. He may refuse to cooperate on further rule changes or signal reluctance to help with special procedures, making it harder for Trump to bypass Senate friction. Relatedly, he may govern inwards, earmarking funds or local projects for Texans rather than partaking in national battles. Cornyn might secure these legacy gifts in exchange for cooperation. With the midterm elections favoring Democrats, Cornyn may convince some Republicans that Trump’s asks aren’t worth political damage in swing states like Maine. Unlike Cassidy, he can’t halt the process, but Cornyn could add drag to issues of personal or political interest. (RELATED: Trump Is Blowing Up the Majority? What Majority?)
The road to mutiny in this Congress is one already paved by Thom Tillis, the North Carolina Senator retiring in part due to fierce backlash from opposing the OBBB. Since announcing his departure, Tillis has grown to be a major thorn in Trump’s side. He held up Federal Reserve nominees until the administration stopped probing Fed Chair Jerome Powell, called for former Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem’s resignation, and is now poised to vote against a GOP Border Patrol package. He also blasted the DOJ’s new $1.8 billion Anti-Weaponization fund as a “payout pot for punks.”
A former Cassidy aide assured POLITICO he won’t copy Tillis. However, Cassidy flipped his vote to force President Trump to withdraw from the Iran war — coincidentally, days after Cassidy lost his primary election. Massie appeared skeptical of funding Trump’s White House ballroom immediately after his defeat. He later promised to “expose” more names redacted from the Epstein files. If these actions indicate anything, it’s that the rabble-rousers are unwavering and deepening their revolt.
Cassidy, Massie, and Cornyn are out, but they aren’t leaving without a fight. Cassidy may embrace being a nuisance with institutional weight. Massie can prove that a determined backbencher can still force votes and complicate Trump’s messaging. Cornyn, should he choose to go rogue, could use Senate insider tactics to pick and choose fights selectively.
These congressional renegades can create visible GOP dissent at exactly the moment Trump and national Republicans need party discipline — a performance that will be remembered far after they leave office. For the sake of the GOP — and America — let’s hope they don’t put on a show.
Alex Rosado is an independent writer. The views expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not represent those of any workplace or affiliate organization.
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