{"id":823,"date":"2026-07-05T06:40:31","date_gmt":"2026-07-05T06:40:31","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/nationallogisticspost.com\/?p=823"},"modified":"2026-07-05T06:40:31","modified_gmt":"2026-07-05T06:40:31","slug":"why-i-chose-america","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/nationallogisticspost.com\/?p=823","title":{"rendered":"Why I Chose America"},"content":{"rendered":"
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A<\/span>s Americans celebrate the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, critics on the Left portray the United States as a nation in irreversible decline. Having lived under both Mao Zedong\u2019s China and the American constitutional republic, I see something very different.<\/p>\n

Read more The Spectacle Ep. 439: Boomers, Step Aside. The Gen X Moment Is Here.<\/a><\/p>\n

America\u2019s greatest achievement is not that it has existed for 250 years. Many civilizations are older. China\u2019s recorded history stretches back thousands of years.<\/p>\n

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But if one has the privilege of choosing citizenship, I believe one should choose a nation that protects liberty, respects the rule of law, [and] safeguards human rights.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<\/div>\n

The remarkable achievement is that America\u2019s constitutional system has endured for two and a half centuries while continually correcting itself. The United States has survived slavery, civil war, economic depression, world wars, terrorism, political polarization, and profound social conflict without abandoning its constitutional foundations.<\/p>\n

Its institutional roots run even deeper than 1776. American constitutional government inherited centuries of English legal tradition dating back to Magna Carta in 1215. That uninterrupted development of liberty under law is one of history\u2019s rarest accomplishments.<\/p>\n

By contrast, China\u2019s long history is largely a succession of dynasties, revolutions, and political ruptures. Governments rose and fell. Institutions were repeatedly destroyed and rebuilt. Modern constitutional democracy never had the opportunity to take root.<\/p>\n

Watching Fourth of July fireworks this year, I found myself reflecting not on abstract political theory, but on the moments that taught me what America truly is.<\/p>\n

I was born in Mao\u2019s China, where the state decided nearly every aspect of one\u2019s life. As a young man, I dreamed of becoming an artist, but the government sent me to work in the countryside instead.<\/p>\n

Only after Mao\u2019s death did opportunity begin to emerge. I studied relentlessly, won admission to Peking University\u2019s Department of Economics, scored first in my graduate study exam, and in 1982 received the opportunity to study in the United States.<\/p>\n

Like many Chinese students of my generation, I expected America to be wealthier than China. That surprised none of us.<\/p>\n

What surprised us was something entirely different.<\/p>\n

Americans seemed \u2026 happy.<\/p>\n

I remember the celebrated Chinese writer Ah Cheng came to our school to visit and was asked what had impressed him most about America. His answer was disarmingly simple:<\/p>\n

\u201cThe Americans are happy.\u201d<\/p>\n

At first glance, it sounded almost trivial. But the more I lived in America, the deeper that observation became.<\/p>\n

Cashiers smiled. Government employees treated foreign graduate students with courtesy. Janitors greeted us cheerfully in university hallways. Strangers said hello.<\/p>\n

These were not superficial cultural habits.<\/p>\n

People generally chose their own careers rather than having them assigned by the state. Advancement depended far more on talent and effort than political connections. Because people possessed greater control over their own lives, they carried less resentment toward everyone else.<\/p>\n

That stood in sharp contrast to Mao\u2019s China, where class labels determined one\u2019s future and political privilege shaped nearly every opportunity. Too often, people who had little control over their own lives vented their frustrations on those around them.<\/p>\n

I remember a cafeteria worker at Peking University nearly striking a student in the face with a serving ladle. It was not a food fight; it was resentment born of a system in which the worker was forced to be a food server.<\/p>\n

Two years after arriving in America, I returned to China to visit family.<\/p>\n

Instead of feeling at home, I felt anxious.<\/p>\n

Would I be allowed to leave again?<\/p>\n

One fellow student visited an American female classmate conducting research in China. During one of the regime\u2019s recurring \u201cStrike Hard\u201d campaigns, police arrested him simply because a Chinese man had entered a foreign woman\u2019s hotel room. He lost an entire semester of graduate study in America.<\/p>\n

Another close friend, then studying at Columbia University, told me something I have never forgotten.<\/p>\n

When his plane landed at New York\u2019s JFK Airport after visiting China, he said quietly:<\/p>\n

\u201cHome at last!\u201d<\/p>\n

We were foreigners in America, living on modest graduate stipends.<\/p>\n

Yet America felt like home because freedom felt like home.<\/p>\n

Professors Who Wanted Me to Stay \u2014 but Helped Me Leave<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Although I quickly came to admire America, my original plan was not to stay.<\/p>\n

After my first year at the State University of New York at Albany, many of my classmates back in China had begun taking positions in government agencies as Deng Xiaoping\u2019s reforms gathered momentum. I wanted to return and do my part. I told my faculty advisor that I had decided not to pursue a Ph.D. Instead, I would earn a master\u2019s degree and go home to help reform China.<\/p>\n

My professor was genuinely surprised.<\/p>\n

\u201cMost Chinese visiting scholars and graduate students want to extend their studies or move from a master\u2019s program into a Ph.D.,\u201d he said. \u201cYou\u2019re doing exactly the opposite. Think about it a little longer.\u201d<\/p>\n

Then history intervened.<\/p>\n

The Chinese Communist Party launched its Anti-Spiritual Pollution Campaign, targeting Western ideas and liberal intellectuals. My professor looked at the news and said to me with a smile, \u201cYou\u2019re lucky you didn\u2019t go back. Otherwise, you might have become one of the sources of that \u2018spiritual pollution.’\u201d<\/p>\n

Read more Trump\u2019s Covid-19 and Healthcare Fraud Crackdown<\/a><\/p>\n

His remark was humorous, but it carried a serious truth. It reminded me how fragile reform remained under one-party rule. Political winds could reverse overnight.<\/p>\n

At the time, I believed China\u2019s economic problems stemmed largely from overpopulation. (Only later, after studying demography, did I realize that China\u2019s underdevelopment had far deeper institutional causes.) Because Princeton University was the world\u2019s leading center for demographic research, I decided I wanted to continue my studies there.<\/p>\n

I told my professors at Albany that I intended to apply to Princeton and asked whether they would write letters of recommendation.<\/p>\n

They didn\u2019t want me to leave.<\/p>\n

I had performed exceptionally well in the department, earning the highest score in its history on the doctoral qualifying examination. Naturally, they hoped I would remain at Albany.<\/p>\n

Yet they put my interests ahead of their own.<\/p>\n

Princeton admitted me and even invited me to visit the campus at its expense before making my decision. During my visit, one Princeton professor remarked, \u201cYour professors at Albany wrote extraordinarily strong recommendation letters for you.\u201d<\/p>\n

That comment has stayed with me ever since.<\/p>\n

My professors would have preferred that I stay. But because they believed a teacher\u2019s responsibility is to help students achieve their own aspirations \u2014 not to advance the professor\u2019s interests \u2014 they wholeheartedly supported my next step.<\/p>\n

That, too, was one of the lessons America taught me.<\/p>\n

Princeton Three Musketeers<\/strong><\/h3>\n

In 1987, as Beijing launched another political campaign against \u201cbourgeois liberalization.\u201d Liberal-minded party leader Hu Yaobang was purged. My father, Li Honglin, one of China\u2019s leading advocates of intellectual freedom, was also removed from office.<\/p>\n

Together with fellow students Yang Xiaokai and Yu Dahai, I helped organize an open letter from Princeton protesting the crackdown. More than a thousand Chinese students overseas signed it.<\/p>\n

It was the first large-scale public petition organized by Chinese graduate students overseas against Communist political repression.<\/p>\n

The New York Times<\/em> covered the story with our pictures, and the three of us became known as the \u201cPrinceton Three Musketeers.\u201d<\/p>\n

None of that would have been possible without America\u2019s protection of free speech.<\/p>\n

The Pen That Saved Two Generations<\/strong><\/p>\n

The greatest lesson came in 1989.<\/p>\n

After the Tiananmen massacre, my father was secretly arrested. I knew that silence would only endanger him.<\/p>\n

I contacted Robert Bartley, the legendary editor of The Wall Street Journal<\/em>\u2018s editorial page. He immediately assigned Claudia Rosett to investigate my father\u2019s case. Their reporting, along with international pressure, helped secure my father\u2019s release ten months later.<\/p>\n

Twelve years afterward, I was secretly arrested myself while crossing from Hong Kong into Shenzhen on charges of \u201cendangering state security.\u201d<\/p>\n

Once again, The Wall Street Journal<\/em> came to my defense. Claudia Rosett wrote \u201cThe 25th Hostage.\u201d The U.S. Congress passed resolutions demanding my release. President George W. Bush personally intervened. Princeton University and Rutgers University publicly appealed for my freedom.<\/p>\n

Five months later, I walked free.<\/p>\n

When I landed in San Francisco, reporters greeted me at the airport.<\/p>\n

Walking toward me through the crowd was Claudia Rosett herself.<\/p>\n

Speaking to the cameras, I said the first people I wanted to thank were my country.<\/p>\n

Chinese nationalists immediately attacked me online.<\/p>\n

\u201cWhich country?\u201d they demanded.<\/p>\n

The answer was simple.<\/p>\n

America.<\/p>\n

I became an American citizen in 1995, not because it was convenient, but because I finally had the freedom to choose my country.<\/p>\n

No one chooses where he is born.<\/p>\n

But if one has the privilege of choosing citizenship, I believe one should choose a nation that protects liberty, respects the rule of law, safeguards human rights, and allows its citizens to criticize their own government without fear.<\/p>\n

America is not perfect. But it is the best in the world. It possesses institutions capable of correcting their own mistakes.<\/p>\n

That is why, after 250 years, the American experiment continues.<\/p>\n

And that is why, having freely chosen America as my country, I will always hope to see her remain strong.<\/p>\n

READ MORE from Shaomin Li:<\/strong><\/p>\n

250 Years and Still Sailing<\/strong><\/p>\n

The Old Man and the Sea<\/strong><\/p>\n

China: The Limits of Transactional Diplomacy<\/strong><\/p>\n

Shaomin Li is Eminent Scholar and Professor of International Business at Old Dominion University. Born in China, he became a U.S. citizen in 1995.<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n

Read more The NFL\u2019s Right Decision \u2014 and Its Wrong Message<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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