{"id":257,"date":"2026-06-02T06:11:23","date_gmt":"2026-06-02T06:11:23","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/nationallogisticspost.com\/?p=257"},"modified":"2026-06-02T06:11:23","modified_gmt":"2026-06-02T06:11:23","slug":"why-the-west-needs-the-american-founding","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/nationallogisticspost.com\/?p=257","title":{"rendered":"Why the West Needs the American Founding"},"content":{"rendered":"

T<\/span>he United States has always occupied a unique place in the civilization broadly known as the West. For one thing, it is separated by an entire ocean from the West\u2019s European heartland. America was also somewhat of a latecomer to the Western patrimony. The Americas were unknown to Europeans until Christopher Columbus made landfall on the island of San Salvador on October 12, 1492. The United States itself did not even assume a formal political identity until July 4, 1776, with the Declaration of Independence. That is a full 2,124 years after the death of Plato, widely regarded as the foundational philosopher of the Western tradition.<\/span><\/p>

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This article is from The American Spectator<\/em>\u2019s summer 2026 print magazine. Subscribe to\u00a0The American Spectator<\/em> to receive the magazine.<\/strong><\/p><\/blockquote><\/div>

Curiously, however, non-Americans have usually been the quickest to grasp that America has a distinctive role to play in the history of the West. Visitors from France ranging from the political thinker Alexis de Tocqueville to the theologian Jacques Maritain wrote vividly about the world they encountered during their time in America. They grasped that there was something about the United States that marked it off from the rest of the West \u2014 even from other \u201csettler-states\u201d such as Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. Americans, they noted, were simply more entrepreneurial, restless, and liberty-minded than the France and broader Europe that were home for Tocqueville and Maritain.<\/span><\/p>

That contrast has become more vivid in recent decades. In economic terms, Europe\u2019s importance is diminishing by the year, whereas the U.S. economy, for all its problems, continues to streak ahead. And although America has plenty of political difficulties, they pale next to those of many European countries, where accelerating bureaucratization and out-of-control welfare spending are steadily crippling the ability of political leaders to reform their economies, let alone tackle the cultural and political challenges associated with severely mismanaged immigration policies.<\/span><\/p>

\n
\"The<\/figure>\n

Subscribe to <\/em>The American Spectator to receive our print magazine.<\/em><\/p><\/div>

Above all, there is the sense that European nations (particularly in Western Europe) and many other Western countries have lost touch with their cultural roots and, in some cases, are determined to ignore or eradicate those roots. Part of the response to such deliberate forgetting has been a surge in nationalist sentiment, often of the ethnic variety. That comes with its own problems, not least among which are questions concerning the ability of such movements to deliver competent governance as well as, in some instances, disturbing associations with truly insidious ideas that flourished in darker times.<\/span><\/p>

Certainly, similar trends have manifested themselves in the United States. Much of the American left, for instance, remains stuck in the worst forms of identitarianism. They also appear not to like America very much, reducing everything to one long tale of repression. Likewise, there are forces on the American right that want to import the thoughts and political agendas of positively counterrevolutionary thinkers ranging from the German legal theorist Carl Schmitt to even older reactionary figures like Joseph de Maistre into America\u2019s political bloodstream.<\/span><\/p>

What unites parts of the American left and segments of the American right is skepticism about the American Founding. Many on the left seem unable to think about the Founding, save in terms of race and class. Some American conservative commentators regard the Founding as part of the broader eighteenth-century Enlightenment movement that, in their view, is directly responsible for many of America\u2019s contemporary woes.<\/span><\/p>

These pressures<\/span>, however, <\/span>make it more urgent than ever for those who care about Western civilization<\/span>, and who want to save it from being buried under a wave of bureaucracy, technocracy, quasi-authoritarianism, and endless professions of guilt, <\/span>to remind both elite and popular audiences of the power of the American Founding<\/span> to serve as a model for what that civilization is ultimately about.<\/span><\/p>

By \u201cthe Founding,\u201d I mean not only specific documents like the Declaration of Independence and the U.S. Constitution, or even some of the powerful personalities of the period. These are all important reference points and will surely remain so. Instead, I have primarily in mind the specific combination of ideas that animated the period in which there was an effort to establish a republican form of government that upheld and promoted certain principles which have deep roots in the broader and deeper cultural patrimony of the West. If this admixture of ideas can be maintained and even magnified in the United States, I think we can have some confidence in its ability to animate other parts of the West.<\/span><\/p>

What, then, is the nature of this set of ideas that characterized the Founding? Broadly speaking, it amounts to a mixture of the thought of Greece and Rome, the religions of Judaism and Christianity, the heritage of England and its institutional expressions of liberty, and the various Enlightenment movements that assumed prominence in the eighteenth century. In America\u2019s case, we are really referring to the \u201cmoderate Enlightenment\u201d associated with minds like Adam Smith and Montesquieu. All these things came together to different degrees and in varying ways to shape the principles and emphases of the American Revolution and the constitutional framework that, in fits and starts, gradually formed in the revolution\u2019s wake.<\/span><\/p>

There is no shortage of books that have sought to explain the character of the American Founding through such a lens. What also matters, however, is that some of these ideas and movements were more often at odds with each other in Europe, particularly continental Europe. The hostility of many continental Enlightenment thinkers toward Christianity, and especially Catholicism, is a matter of record. And while some Jewish and Christian thinkers such as Maimonides and Thomas Aquinas were deeply appreciative of Greco\u2013Roman thought, others were deeply antagonistic toward philosophical positions that had, after all, emerged in a pagan world.<\/span><\/p>

Obviously, there were and are tensions between these streams of thought. But whereas they sometimes clashed in many European settings, the American Founding showed that they need not be at odds: that the different traditions could in fact inform and shape each other in a manner that reinforces certain liberties, the rule of law, the habit of free association, constitutionalism, and economic freedom, or what might be called a \u201ccommercial society.\u201d<\/span><\/p>

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Important documents of the American Founding give expression to this vision. You can find it in the Declaration of Independence\u2019s statement that \u201cWe hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights.\u201d<\/span><\/p>

Here we see a combination of (1) notions of natural law about rationality that first emerged in the ancient world, (2) distinctly religious inferences to the notion of humans as the <\/span>imago Dei<\/span><\/i>\u00a0that give expression to the innate dignity possessed by all people, as well as (3) a reference to Enlightenment conceptions of rights, understood as the duties we all owe to other people. In the same document, we find an insistence that the King and Parliament of Great Britain were undermining and violating certain freedoms that were understood to be part of the corpus of what was commonly called \u201cthe rights of Englishmen\u201d \u2014 people whom the Declaration denoted as \u201cour British brethren.\u201d\u00a0<\/span><\/p>

Among the important things to note is the seamless integration of these principles and their respective sources in the Declaration. For example, the rights given expression in English customs and the common law are closely related to the rights identified by philosophers and theologians. Likewise, the language of \u201cCreator\u201d is one that could be embraced by devout Christians like John Witherspoon and Charles Carroll but also individuals such as Thomas Jefferson and Benjamin Franklin, who were more attuned to a deistic conception of the world.<\/span><\/p>

Variations of the same integration of all these distinct sources can be discerned in other texts penned by key Founders. Washington\u2019s June 1783 <\/span>Circular Letter of Farewell to the Army <\/span><\/i>exemplifies this. Its third paragraph states:<\/span><\/p>

The foundation of our Empire was not laid in the gloomy age of Ignorance and Superstition, but at an Epocha when the rights of mankind were better understood and more clearly defined, than at any former period, the researches of the human mind, after social happiness, have been carried to a great extent, the Treasures of knowledge, acquired by the labors of Philosophers, Sages and Legislatures, through a long succession of years, are laid open for our use, and their collected wisdom may be happily applied in the Establishment of our forms of Government; the free cultivation of Letters, the unbounded extension of Commerce, the progressive refinement of Manners, the growing liberality of sentiment, and above all, the pure and benign light of Revelation, have had ameliorating influence on mankind and increased the blessings of Society.<\/span><\/p><\/blockquote>

Here Washington presents the new country (\u201cEmpire\u201d) coming into being as the fruit of reflection over the centuries by thinkers, wise men, as well as those who had been charged with political responsibilities. This is accompanied by distinctly Enlightenment emphases upon the \u201cgrowing liberality of sentiment,\u201d \u201cthe unbounded extension of Commerce,\u201d \u201cthe rights of mankind,\u201d \u201cthe free cultivation of Letters,\u201d and \u201cthe progressive refinement of Manners.\u201d Note, however, that the paragraph ends with an invocation of \u201cthe pure and benign light of Revelation.\u201d These words invoke the entry into the world of liberating knowledge and truths about humans that reason alone would have struggled to identify under its own volition.<\/span><\/p>

It is <\/span>all<\/span><\/i>\u00a0these things taken together that characterize the inspiration of the American Founding and what it would eventually produce: a republican form of government rooted in commitments to reason and revelation, rule of law, and a deep belief in freedoms that produce economic prosperity and other expressions of flourishing. But that is not the limit of the fruit of this new order. Equally important are the \u201ccultivation,\u201d \u201cliberality,\u201d and \u201crefinement\u201d that, Washington believes, are reflective of the civilizing effects of this \u201cSociety\u201d which was simultaneously new and old.<\/span><\/p>

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\"Art<\/figure>\n

Art by Bill Wilson for <\/em>The American Spectator<\/p><\/div>

This<\/span><\/i>\u00a0is what the American Founding offers to the civilization of the West today.<\/span> It demonstrates that forces which have clashed so often throughout Europe can exist harmoniously and, despite the tensions, grow and mature into a unique experiment on ordered liberty.<\/span><\/p>

The saliency of that Founding is certainly under enormous pressure today. Considerable numbers of the political left and right in America quietly (and sometimes not-so-quietly) reject or actively seek to marginalize what was achieved in the republic that emerged on the Eastern seaboard of North America in the late eighteenth century.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>

And yet despite these pressures, as well as previous efforts by progressives to convert the United States into something resembling a modern Western European social democracy, the Founding period, documents, and figures have not ceased to be a source of fascination for Americans and non-Americans. At a minimum, this indicates that they recognize it as something capable of giving us guidance as we navigate the challenges of the present, not least because <\/span>there is really nothing else like the American Founding in the rest of the world.<\/span> To that extent, it will always retain the power to reinvigorate the Western civilizational project \u2014 provided, of course, that enough Americans keep their faith in their own heritage.<\/span><\/p>

Samuel Gregg is president and Friedrich Hayek Chair in Economics and Economic History at the American Institute for Economic Research.<\/i><\/strong><\/p>

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