{"id":251,"date":"2026-06-02T04:41:10","date_gmt":"2026-06-02T04:41:10","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/nationallogisticspost.com\/?p=251"},"modified":"2026-06-02T04:41:10","modified_gmt":"2026-06-02T04:41:10","slug":"the-cost-of-trumps-politics-of-subtraction","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/nationallogisticspost.com\/?p=251","title":{"rendered":"The Cost of Trump\u2019s Politics of Subtraction"},"content":{"rendered":"

T<\/span>he Age of Trump paradoxically witnesses a calcified electorate that votes for the party rather than the person <\/span>and<\/span><\/i>\u00a0a president who attracts intense devotion not because of the letter next to his name but because of his personality.<\/span><\/p>

Read more Beware the Renegade Caucus<\/a><\/p>

This article is from The American Spectator<\/em>\u2019s summer 2026 print magazine. Subscribe to\u00a0The American Spectator<\/em> to receive the magazine.<\/strong><\/p><\/blockquote><\/div>

Donald Trump personified grace under fire, again, in response to the April 25, 2026, assassination attempt at the White House Correspondents\u2019 Association dinner. In Butler, he defiantly shouted a clenched-fist \u201cFight!\u201d A few blocks from Dupont Circle, Trump walked out \u201cpretty tall\u201d after he heard what his wife called \u201ca bad noise.\u201d He described himself as \u201chonored\u201d at the backhanded compliment given by wannabe assassins who, after all, target the historically significant. He promised to return to a rescheduled White House Correspondents\u2019 Dinner within a month. He pledged, \u201cWe\u2019re going to do it again.\u201d<\/span><\/p>

Alas, a few of his enemies undoubtedly echo the sentiment.<\/span><\/p>

The leadership qualities displayed in that large hotel off Connecticut Avenue evoke a puff-chested Theodore Roosevelt Jr. shouting orders upright under fire on Normandy Beach eighty-two years ago on D-Day. People tend to follow leaders who do not run away. The events at the Washington Hilton, where another \u2014 albeit less politically motivated \u2014 social misfit failed to murder a conservative president forty-five years ago, further cemented the bond between Trump voter and Trump. More so than Trump\u2019s unflappable leadership, the villainy of his would-be destroyers unites MAGA behind the president.<\/span><\/p>

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Subscribe to <\/em>The American Spectator to receive our print magazine.<\/em><\/p><\/div>

The Trump voter became trauma-bonded to Trump long before the latest attempt on his life. This trauma bond explains the lack of any discernible erosion in support even when the president reorients, such as with his interventionist foreign policy tack during his second term, or when he tweets as though suffering from a digital strain of Tourette\u2019s syndrome, such as when he posted a graphic that depicted the Obamas as apes. Periodic actual assassination attempts, daily character assassination attempts, a multijurisdictional lawfare effort leading up to the 2024 election that threatened him with more than 700 years in prison, and two impeachment trials did not kill the connection between Trump voter and Trump. It made it stronger.<\/span><\/p>

This makes honest assessments of the president\u2019s job performance difficult to come by. For every red hat inoculated from Trump Derangement Syndrome by the attacks, some other American became infected. <\/span>Trump can do no wrong for so many supporters; he can do no right for so many detractors. <\/span>In April, President Trump\u2019s approval\u2013disapproval numbers uniformly appeared underwater. They ranged from -34 in an AP\/NORC poll to -9 in the Morning Consult survey. The country does not think the president does as good a job as his supporters do.<\/span><\/p>

The president enjoys a higher floor than Joe Biden, George W. Bush, and other predecessors. He also looks up at a lower ceiling than any president in recent memory. The president\u2019s claim a decade ago that he could shoot someone on Fifth Avenue and not lose voters omitted the more relevant part. He could also push a baby carriage away from an oncoming M1-route bus on Fifth Avenue and not win any new voters. In other words, the president cannot persuade those who reflexively oppose him.\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/p>

Not everyone in the \u201cdisapproval\u201d column falls into the rigid Never Trump camp. The president created some of the antis. In this limited sense, he fails as a politician. His rhetorical style emphasizes catharsis for supporters, not persuasion of opponents. He counterpunches and even throws the occasional lead right. He rarely extends the olive branch. In eating all this up, his most intense followers fail at politics, too. They imagine it, like Twitter or a cable-news debate, as a means of \u201cowning\u201d the opposition through zingers and insults. And, accustomed to such human punching bags as Mitt Romney and John McCain as their party\u2019s standard-bearers, they revel in the president\u2019s combativeness.<\/span><\/p>

It comes at a cost.<\/span><\/p>

The politics of subtraction inevitably results in coalitional losses and potential situational allies remaining permanent enemies. Domestically and internationally, the president repeatedly fails at persuading others to follow his leadership in pursuit of a goal. In shortsighted ways that provide an immediate dopamine hit to President Trump and his base but in the long-term make coalition-building difficult, the president so often attacks those he might need in the future. This helps explain the complete absence of any substantive legislation in his second term and the by necessity go-it-alone approach to foreign policy.<\/span><\/p>

When Senators Susan Collins, Lisa Murkowski, Rand Paul, Josh Hawley, and Todd Young supported a measure that demanded congressional authorization for troops in Venezuela, Trump tweeted that they \u201cshould never be elected to office again.\u201d This seemed remarkable, particularly the inclusion of Hawley \u2014 one of the few bona fide MAGA Republicans in the U.S. Senate. For questioning his recalcitrance on releasing the so-called Epstein files and second-term foreign adventurism, then-Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene received a Trump-endorsed primary challenger and the epithet \u201ctraitor.\u201d She ultimately chose to resign from office. It struck as even more remarkable than the Hawley attack. Since her 2020 election, Greene appeared almost robotic in her fealty to Donald Trump. The president did not reciprocate the devotion and sought to run her out of politics once she demonstrated a small degree of political independence from him.<\/span><\/p>

Ill-advised attacks on Elon Musk, the wealthiest man on the planet, and Pope Leo XIV, the leader of the largest religious denomination in the world, conformed to this politics-of-subtraction template. The president engineered the exit of Bob Good, one of the most principled conservatives in the House of Representatives, in 2024. He looks to do the same this year with the similarly small-government enthusiast Thomas Massie, who despite holding engineering degrees from MIT and several dozen patents, became a \u201cmoron\u201d in the president\u2019s characterization. Riley Gaines, who rather gently suggested that the president show \u201chumility\u201d after he depicted himself as Jesus Christ in an online post, received a rebuttal that instead proved her point. The thin-skinned Trump noted of the leading opponent of transgenders in girls\u2019 sports: \u201cI\u2019m not a big fan of Riley.\u201d<\/span><\/p>

Is it any surprise that a man who treats his friends this way cannot convince any of his opponents to vote for his agenda? Lyndon Johnson won over most Republicans to vote for the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Ronald Reagan persuaded a House of Representatives in which Democrats boasted a more than fifty-seat vote margin to pass the Kemp\u2013Roth Tax Cut in 1981. Donald Trump failed to convince a Congress in which Republicans control both houses to pass any substantial legislation.<\/span><\/p>

A similar shortsightedness involves his treatment of longtime allies. The president spent much of the second half of his first year back in office on a fool\u2019s errand in which he fixated upon the annexation of Greenland and the admission of Canada into the union as the fifty-first state. The former cast him as a villain in Denmark and elsewhere abroad; the latter single-handedly ensured the defeat of Pierre Poilievre\u2019s Conservative Party in Canada\u2019s elections. Punitive tariffs, many of them unpredictable and intermittent, similarly alienated allies. Revenues from tariffs more than doubled from 2024 to 2025.<\/span><\/p>

When Giorgia Meloni quite predictably called Trump\u2019s criticisms of the pope \u201cunacceptable,\u201d the president turned on the Italian prime minister. He called himself \u201cshocked\u201d and said that she turned out \u201cvery different from what I thought.\u201d What did he think? The prime minister in Rome was going to join an attack on the pope in Rome? Maybe denounce Gucci, pasta, and Sophia Loren, too?<\/span><\/p>

The countries normally relied upon as allies in military campaigns responded sheepishly to belated appeals from the Trump administration to join the fight against Iran. The president directed a tweet to the Brits in the early days of the war: \u201cWe don\u2019t need people that join Wars after we\u2019ve already won!\u201d Shortly thereafter, the braggadocio morphed into plaintive pleas for the Brits to deploy naval assets to secure the Strait of Hormuz.<\/span><\/p>

Donald Trump knows <\/span>The Art of the Deal<\/span><\/i>. He seems less familiar with <\/span>How to Win Friends and Influence People<\/span><\/i>.<\/span><\/p>

The president needs to accentuate the positive to force a pirouette on his poll numbers and mitigate November disaster for his party. When you spend your days suing the <\/span>Wall Street Journal<\/span><\/i>, blaming the Federalist Society for \u201cbad advice\u201d on judicial appointments that \u201ccannot be forgotten,\u201d and confusing the pope for a politician in calling him \u201cweak on crime,\u201d it leaves little time to highlight the laudable aspects of your record. Bill Clinton famously pivoted after the 1994 midterm debacle. Is Donald Trump capable of corrective action?<\/span><\/p>

He surely appears capable of great achievements. Why don\u2019t we talk about them more? Because he does not talk about them much.<\/span><\/p>

Read more The Spectator P.M. Ep. 219: Lesbian Minister Cancels July 4th to \u2018Understand Our Own Whiteness\u2019<\/a><\/p>

Tellingly, progressives most vociferously criticize the most successful aspect of the Trump presidency. For the first time in several generations, the U.S. foreign-born population shrank in 2025. A reorientation in policy radically improved results (and showed how little the Biden administration tried) on illegal immigration.<\/span><\/p>

Not only did millions self-deport or do so with encouragement since the start of the second Trump administration, but millions more just decided to stay home in Mexico, Guatemala, and points beyond. Border Patrol apprehensions dropped by 79 percent in fiscal year 2025 to their lowest level on record. The Biden administration reported more than two million gotaways \u2014 during its four years. The Department of Homeland Security noted fewer than fifty gotaways a day in April. In the most dramatic policy shift, the second Trump administration, for most months, released zero detained illegal immigrants into the United States; the Biden administration released more than three million.<\/span><\/p>

The proof is in the stats. It\u2019s in the fits, too. The rock-throwing, roadblocks in the middle of the street, and doxxing of ICE agents happened not because the Trump administration did its job poorly. It happened because it did its job well.<\/span><\/p>

A tangential byproduct of the immigration crackdown saw crime experience a freefall in 2025 unwitnessed in American history. Homicides decreased by 21 percent, gun assaults declined by 22 percent, robbery fell by 23 percent, and carjackings plummeted by 43 percent. The United States experienced its lowest murder rate since the advent of accurate recordkeeping on the matter at the beginning of the last century. In other words, just about all 343 million of us moved to a safer neighborhood after Donald Trump\u2019s reelection even if we remained in the same home.<\/span><\/p>

What explains this unprecedented drop in crime?<\/span><\/p>

Normally, the federal government plays a peripheral role in crime prevention. The Trump administration behaved unusually, and some would say unconstitutionally, in several of its crime prevention efforts. They were nevertheless effective.<\/span><\/p>

In 2025, Donald Trump deployed federal troops to Washington, D.C., Portland, Oregon, New Orleans, Louisiana, and several other urban areas. Since commencing its bombing campaign against drug boats in the late summer of 2025, the Trump administration had, by early May, killed 186 people described as \u201cnarco-terrorists.\u201d Immigration enforcement efforts, to include the Immigration and Customs Enforcement\u2019s controversial efforts to round up felons living illegally in the United States, surely played a role in the downward direction of crime rates.<\/span><\/p>

May we cheer little victories, too? The Corporation for Public Broadcasting, which siphoned tax dollars for left-wing programs on NPR and PBS, shut down earlier this year as a result of a Donald Trump executive order. Ditto for the U.S. Agency for International Development, whose Wikipedia entry, like the CPB, relies on the past tense. While the president failed to shutter the Department of Education and other conservative white whales, he succeeded at something most presidents do not bother to attempt: ending numerous long-standing programs. The federal budget, deficits, and debt remain too high. But, unlike almost all of his predecessors, he dared to close several unneeded programs. Yes, this amounts to baby steps. But baby steps, in that they preface longer, more substantial steps, rank as the most important steps. We video them and cheer them. Conservatives should cheer this.<\/span><\/p>

The list seems far from exhaustive. On judges, energy, and more, the Trump administration represented a course correction that seems hard to imagine under a continuation of the Biden administration under either President Kamala Harris or President Autopen.<\/span><\/p>

Second-term Donald Trump does not resemble first-term Donald Trump. Depending upon the issue, this serves as a compliment or criticism. The first semester report card of Donald Trump\u2019s second term contains some \u201cA\u201d grades. The public, and strangely even the president, fixates on the subjects where he scored Cs and Ds.<\/span><\/p>

This second-term record appears occasionally laudable but in almost all instances reversible. <\/span>Unlike, say, Franklin Roosevelt\u2019s New Deal or Ronald Reagan\u2019s presidency that won the Cold War and permanently lowered income tax rates, Donald Trump signed no legislation that permanently alters the United States.<\/span><\/p>

The president remains a life preserver for any Republican flailing in a primary and cement shoes for any Republican thrashing about the waters in a general election. So, criticism within the party, though no longer muted, remains at a low-decibel level; outside of the party, the criticism deafens.<\/span><\/p>

This leads to a phenomenon from which both the president and his boosters suffer. In their bubble, the cheers ricochet off the walls; the external boos never penetrate them.<\/span><\/p>

The late Norm Macdonald, in criticizing Alec Baldwin and others who lampooned Donald Trump in a mean-spirited, politicized way, observed that Trump did not really play to the broader audience but instead fixated on the audience in front of his eyes. The audience he heard, then, was not <\/span>Saturday Night Live<\/span><\/i>\u2019s but Iowan rally-goers in Cedar Rapids. Either audience, to the exclusion of the other, distorts.<\/span><\/p>

\u201cI think that he was always playing to be president of whatever hall he was playing in was,\u201d Macdonald told CTV\u2019s <\/span>Question Period<\/span><\/i>\u00a0eight years ago. \u201cI\u2019ve seen this happen with comedians, too. You start thinking you\u2019re good because the people who come to see you all like you, but the reason they came to see you is because they like you.\u201d<\/span><\/p>

The echo chamber that provides an ego boost most of the time humbles terribly during election season.<\/span><\/p>

Daniel J. Flynn, the author of<\/i>\u00a0The Man Who Invented Conservatism: The Unlikely Life of Frank S. Meyer, is an<\/i> American Spectator senior editor, visiting fellow at the Hoover Institution, and hosts the YouTube channel RightWingWilderness.<\/i><\/strong><\/p>

Read more How Long Will Democrats Keep Defending Platner?<\/a><\/p>

Subscribe to <\/em>The American Spectator to receive our print magazine.<\/em><\/strong><\/p><\/div><\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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